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Horace M. Kallen, an immigrant who taught at the University of Wisconsin in the early 20th century, first coined the term cultural pluralism. According to the prevailing nativist view at that time, new immigrants moving to the United States should become "Americanized" by strictly conforming to the social practices and even the blood lines of a singular, generic national culture. In 1924, Kallen introduced the term and made a radical argument: immigrants' unique, persistent nationalities could coexist within American democracy in some kind of harmony. Since then, pluralism has meant different things at different points in U.S. history, depending on trends in academic disciplines, popular ideology, social movements, and geopolitical circumstances.

James Madison introduced one of the initial arguments for political pluralism in the 1780s when he proposed that factions would prevent any single group from dominating American politics. Not until the 1950s, however, did analysts popularize political "pluralism" as a theory of interest group politics. They understood the U.S. political system as interplay among corporate associations, labor unions, and other organizations that used resources to shape policy making. They believed that this system represented citizens, since power and influence were spread across many groups. Diversity could flourish and even enhance politics as long as everyone abided by certain American ideals, such as the democratic process and civility. This view of political pluralism, as well as popular ideas about cultural pluralism at the time, verbally lauded diversity while assuming a societal consensus around certain U.S. values.

In the 1960s, U.S. ideology about pluralism shifted toward two conflicting visions--corporate pluralism and liberal pluralism--amid social movements challenging discrimination at home, anti-colonialism abroad, and new laws allowing immigration from regions such as Latin America. Under corporate pluralism, ethnic and racial groups have formal legal status and rights, and individuals' rights depend, in part, on the groups to which they belong. The Black Power movement and its separatist call for black power exemplified this vision. Some critics of this view called for liberal pluralism, in which democratic individualism and equality of opportunity are governing principles. They believe that the state should prevent discrimination against ethnic and racial groups but not control these groups or affirm their potentially divisive differences. Similarly, policy analysts have worried that some groups, especially poor black families, failed to adequately assimilate to a shared national culture. Critics of this view argue that it focuses on cultural deficiencies and largely ignores issues of structural inequality.

Contemporary pluralism emphasizes multicultural tolerance and the value of cultural diversity. Unlike earlier versions, it also suggests that intergroup interaction produces measurable, positive outcomes. For example, in two U.S. Supreme Court cases concerning affirmative action in 2003, the University of Michigan successfully argued that race-conscious admissions policies create a diverse student body, which leads to a better academic environment; students learn more when they interact with students of different backgrounds. Some progressive critics argue that contemporary pluralism emphasizes individuals' cultural identity while downplaying concerns about systematic discrimination and societal injustice. Others view this vision of pluralism as congruent with a neoliberal international order, globalization of capital markets, and rising U.S. conservatism because it treats diversity as a means to economic competitiveness rather than greater equity. Conservative critics question the government's role in promoting diversity or portray rhetoric about diversity as a repackaging of corporate pluralism--granting minorities and women unfair advantage that undermines principles such as merit.

References:

1) Downey, Dennis. 1999. "From Americanization to Multiculturalism: Political Symbols and Struggles for Cultural Diversity in Twentieth-Century American Race Relations." Sociological Perspectives 42:249-78.

2) Gleason, Phillip. 1984. "Pluralism and Assimilation: A Conceptual History." Pp. 221-57 in Linguistic Minorities, Policies and Pluralism, edited by J. Edwards. London: Academic Press.

3) Gordon, Milton. 1981. "Models of Pluralism: The New American Dilemma." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 454:178-88.

4) Hollinger, David. 2000. Postethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism. New York: Basic Books.

5) Parekh, Bhikhu. 2000. Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

6) Parrillo, Vincent N. 2008. Diversity in America. 3rd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.

7) Schuck, Peter. 2003. Diversity in America: Keeping Government at a Safe Distance. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

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