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Pornography or sexual materials are seemingly a part of human culture. From antiquity to the present, many societies have employed forms of sexual materials in writing, images, song, or dance for entertainment and/or sexual enjoyment. Not all cultures approve of such material, nor is there societal consensus regarding them. Over the past several decades, the debate in the United States about pornography has become increasingly salient, with a rise in political attention, in part as a result of increased consumption of pornography due to technological advances in the availability of sexual materials and in part from societal reactions to this greater availability. In response, pornography is the subject of research from a variety of disciplinary perspectives and has become a hotbed of contention both within feminist discourse and outside the academy.

Discussions about pornography often begin with questioning how to define it. Pornography is difficult to define, as the constructions are politically loaded regarding censorship and given the various ideological positions on pornography. Extensive research exists on the relationships between pornography and society, with followers of each position able to cite findings to bolster their position. Sociodemographic factors also affect individuals' beliefs concerning pornography. Another factor affecting the debate is that pornography is a lucrative financial industry that generates billions of dollars in revenue despite its disreputable social standing.

Various attempts at regulation have attempted to address problems of definition regarding pornography, obscenity, erotica, and art. Some differentiate between hard-core and soft-core pornography, gay and lesbian pornography, and fetish pornography. All definitions, imbued with subjectivity, have social, political, and moral ramifications. Further, the meanings and understandings of pornography have changed over time, influenced by legalistic and scholarly interpretations or changing societal values. Consensus about a definition thus remains elusive and controversial.

Legislation in the United States has played an integral role in societal conceptualizations of sexual materials. The first federal law regarding pornography was the Comstock Act of 1873. The Comstock Act prohibited transport by mail of any material related to sexuality and contraception. The 1957 Roth v. U.S. Supreme Court decision narrowed the interpretation by defining as obscene only material that was utterly without redeeming social value. In 1970, the President's Commission on Obscenity and Pornography recommended repealing all laws prohibiting the distribution of sexually explicit materials to consenting adults, as it did not find a causal link between viewing pornography and violence. The commission suggested that pornography could even be beneficial in some circumstances, in allowing for a release of sexual tension. The commission also advocated sex education programs in schools to counterbalance incorrect sexual information gleaned from pornography.

Some differentiate between pornography and materials defined as obscene. In 1973, a pivotal court case, Miller v. California, changed the criteria to assess whether a work, be it literary or video, was obscene. One resulting criterion, the S.L.A.P.S. test, evaluates whether a work lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value. Other criteria include whether the average person, applying contemporary community standards, would find that the given work appeals to prurient (lewd) interests. Finally, if the work depicts in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by applicable state laws, it can be judged obscene. These criteria for evaluating work, resulting from Miller v. California, made banning pornography easier.

During the 1980s and early 1990s, federal prosecutions of obscenity cases and condemnation of sexual imagery increased considerably. For example, a large group of congressmen denounced the homoerotic imagery in the photography of Robert Mapplethorpe in a publicly funded exhibition as pornographic despite Mapplethorpe's well-respected status in the art world. Fueling the growing intolerance of sexual imagery was the 1986 Report of the Meese Pornography Commission that identified four types of sexual imagery: violent pornography, degrading (nonviolent) pornography, nonviolent and nondegrading sexual imagery, and simple nudity.

The Final Report of the commission claimed that most Americans opposed pornography, but there was a lack of enforcement of obscenity laws; some types of pornography were harmful; and organized crime controlled the pornography industry. The Meese Commission encouraged further legislation using obscenity laws as defined by Miller and recommended that legislators consider restitution for victims of pornography. Many pornography researchers criticized the commission for its anti-pornography ideology and agenda. In addition, numerous scholars condemned the commission's research as biased and methodologically flawed. Despite the criticism, the Commission's report is still the benchmark often used when referring to federal guidelines on pornography.

In addition to judicial and legislative decisions, contemporary intellectuals and scholars have influenced definitions of pornography. One definition commonly used is sexual materials intended to cause sexual excitement. This definition, however, assumes a consensus in human response to sexual materials and simplifies the many intentions that a work could have, be it artistic, literary, or political commentary. Some scholars describe pornography as any materials that are degrading and/or dehumanizing to women. These definitions often look at the portrayal of women in sexual materials in relation to men's behaviors. This type of definition emphasizes gender inequality in society and oppression of women through sexuality. Defining sexual materials in this manner links pornography with various social consequences, especially to the detriment of women.

Other scholars define pornography as explicit depictions of men and women as sexual beings. This definition does not visualize pornography as inherently harmful to women and focuses on the consensual nature of the depicted sexuality. From this viewpoint, pornography is a venue for sexual exploration and even liberation for men and women.

Pornography may be juxtaposed against erotica, which is often seen as less vulgar or explicit and depicting loving and affectionate human sexual interaction. In addition, many recognize the blurred lines among pornography, erotica, and art. Some scholars suggest that finding distinctions among pornography, erotica, and art, however, may be subjective and indicative of social class bias.

References:

1) Davis, Murray S. 1985. Smut: Erotic Reality/Obscene Ideology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

2) Donnerstein, Edward I., Daniel Linz, and Steven Penrod. 1987. The Question of Pornography: Research Findings and Policy Implications. New York: Free Press.

3) Linz, Daniel and Neal M. Malamuth. 1993. Pornography. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

4) Osanka, Franklin Mark and Sara Lee Johann. 1990. Sourcebook on Pornography. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

5) Zillmann, Dolf and Bryant Jennings. 1989. Pornography: Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

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