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Runaways are children under the age of majority who leave home without the permission of their caretakers. The simplicity of this definition belies the complexity and diversity of the situations that are sometimes covered by this term. Disputes arise over such dimensions of runaway behavior as duration, distance, and root causes. For example, the concept of homeless youth has been introduced to distinguish children, usually older teenagers, who leave home for extended periods of time, sometimes permanently, from short-term runaways (who are usually gone a few days). Chronic runaways or recidivists describe youth who run away from home many times. Shoveouts, pushouts, castaways, and throwaways have been used to distinguish runaways who have been excluded from, locked out, or otherwise forced from their homes by their caretakers from those who voluntarily leave their family residence.

In some studies, researchers substitute the label thrown-away for throwaway in order to focus on the action of an adult caretaker rather than on the characteristics of the child. Street youth has been used to describe teenagers who have become acculturated into a street subculture and are often involved in prostitution, petty crime, and other seemingly deviant behaviors. In framing the street youth problem, child advocates sometimes characterize them as being victims of their circumstances. They argue that children are driven to criminal acts because of lack of resources-- for example, reframing prostitution as a matter of survival sex. Law enforcement agents and other authorities are more apt to recognize the agency of the child and characterize his or her behavior as delinquency. In spite of all the differences, these various terms are sometimes used interchangeably with runaway youth.

While these terms are used primarily by social scientists, in legal settings, running away falls under a larger rubric of behaviors known as status offenses. Status offenders describe youth who are engaged in a variety of behaviors that can be regulated only because of the youth's status as a minor. In addition to running away, status offenses include such activities as truancy, violating curfews, and disobeying parents. Status offenders are often described as being beyond the control of their parents, incorrigible or ungovernable, or, alternatively, in need of supervision. Since the mid-1970s, the preferred intervention with status offenders has been to divert them from the juvenile justice or child welfare systems whenever possible.

The reasons children run away from home vary. However, researchers have repeatedly documented common problems such as family conflict; physical, emotional, or sexual abuse; substance abuse by either the parent or the child; parental intolerance of the youth's sexual orientation, sexual behavior, or choice in friends; and difficulty in school. The severity of these problems can range from minor to significant.

Children who leave home briefly, do not travel far, go to relatives or family friends, and return home quickly are generally not considered in danger; however, serious problems have been associated with running away in the population of youth who leave home repeatedly or for longer periods of time. Since social scientists studying runaways often obtain study samples from high-risk environments, such as runaway youth shelters, drop-in centers, and street outreach units, runaway behavior has been correlated with a variety of negative outcomes. These include dropping out of school; being at risk for victimization and exploitation; engaging in sexual risk behaviors (resulting in HIV or other sexually transmitted diseases [STDs], and pregnancy); abusing alcohol and drugs; suffering physical health problems, including both acute and chronic disorders; experiencing mental health problems, including depression, suicide ideation, and self-mutilation; and incurring increased risk of adult homelessness and criminal activity.

Running away is sometimes characterized as a gateway behavior that can lead to increasingly problematic and risky activities. The primary concern is the cumulative effect of these assorted risk factors. For example, children who repeatedly run away are more likely to drop out of school, which can diminish their future employment opportunities, increase the likelihood that they will turn to criminal activity or be victimized on the street, and increase the likelihood of adult homelessness.

Current programs targeted specifically at runaway and homeless youth include crisis shelters, transitional living programs, drop-in centers, street outreach programs, and runaway hotlines or crisis phone lines (such as the National Runaway Switchboard). In general, the philosophy behind these services is to make them not only easily accessible by youth but also voluntary. Youth are not ordered into treatment by a judge or a parent but rather must request help themselves. Most runaway shelters are located in urban areas, although smaller communities sometimes set up "host homes" willing to take in a child temporarily. However, even in urban settings, research has shown that youth have trouble accessing basic services such as health or mental health care. One reason for this difficulty is that parental signatures are generally required for minors receiving treatment or entering into a contract (including one for a lease, loan, or employment), an impediment for youth who are on their own.

In addition to being at risk themselves, runaway children can pose certain risks to those adults who are inclined to help them. Most states have criminal laws against custodial interference, endangering the welfare of a minor, or harboring a minor. These laws make it a crime for adults to interfere with the parent-child relationship. Thus adults who provide shelter or aid to runaways can be subject to criminal prosecution. Many states make special provisions for runaway shelters or other short-term care facilities in order to circumvent these restrictions.

Bibliography:

1) Hagan, John, and Bill McCarthy. 1997. Mean Streets: Youth Crime and Homelessness. New York: Cambridge University Press.

2) Hammer, Heather, David Finkelhor, and Andrea J. Sedlak. 2002. Runaway/Thrownaway Children: National Estimates and Characteristics. Washington, DC: U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.

3) Hoyt, Dan R. and Les B. Whitbeck. 1999. Nowhere to Grow: Homeless and Runaway Adolescents and Their Families. New York: Aldine de Gruyer.

4) Staller, Karen M. 2006. Runaways: How the Sixties Counterculture Shaped Today's Policies and Practices. New York: Columbia University Press.

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